Friday, December 18, 2009

now we know

On the first day, God created the dog and said:

‘Sit all day by the door of your house and bark at anyone who comes in
or walks past. For this, I will give you a life span of twenty years.’

The dog said: ‘That’s a long time to be barking. How about only ten
years and I’ll give you back the other ten?’

So God agreed.

On the second day, God created the monkey and said:

‘Entertain people, do tricks, and make them laugh. For this, I’ll give
you a twenty-year life span.’

The monkey said: ‘Monkey tricks for twenty years?
That’s a pretty long time to perform. How about I give you back ten like
the Dog did?’

And God agreed.

On the third day, God created the cow and said:

‘You must go into the field with the farmer all day long and suffer
under the sun, have calves and give milk to support the farmer’s
family. For this, I will give you a life span of sixty years.’

The cow said: ‘That’s kind of a tough life you want me to live for
sixty years. How about twenty and I’ll give back the other forty?’

And God agreed again.

On the fourth day, God created man and said:

‘Eat, sleep, play, marry and enjoy your life. For this, I’ll give you
twenty years.’

But man said: ‘Only twenty years? Could you possibly give me my
twenty,the forty the cow gave back, the ten the monkey gave back, and
the ten the dog gave back; that makes eighty, okay?’

‘Okay,’ said God, ‘You asked for it.’

So that is why for our first twenty years we eat, sleep, play and enjoy
ourselves. For the next forty years we slave in the sun to support our
family. For the next ten years we do monkey tricks to entertain the
grandchildren. And for the last ten years we sit on the front porch and
bark at everyone.

Life has now been explained to you.

Sunday, December 13, 2009

quotation

It is through them


Whenever I catch sight of others,
By thinking, "It is through them,
That I will reach awakening,"
I'll look with sincerity and love.

- Shantideva, The Way of the Bodhisattva




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Saturday, July 11, 2009

mental health / telehealth
resource directory

These are the best sources I could find for major categories of information.
If you know of better, please advise.

Thursday, July 9, 2009

placebos

Placebos Do Work: Let's Consider Why

New research on the placebo effect has big implications

"We not only know placebos work," Dr. Harriet Hall explains in a fascinating, well-researched article in Skeptic, "we know there is a hierarchy of effectiveness":

* Placebo surgery works better than placebo injections
* Placebo injections work better than placebo pills
* Sham acupuncture treatment works better than a placebo pill
* Capsules work better than tablets
* Big pills work better than small
* The more doses a day, the better
* The more expensive, the better
* The color of the pill makes a difference
* Telling the patient, "This will relieve your pain" works better than saying "This might help."

To help convey the power of persuasion that doctors routinely wield, Dr. Hall's article opens with a treatment anecdote that gives a flavor of the article to come:

"Jane D. was a regular visitor to our ER," she recalls, "usually showing up late at night demanding an injection of the narcotic Demerol, the only thing that worked for her severe headaches. One night the staff psychiatrist had the nurse give her an injection of saline instead. It worked! He told Jane she had responded to a placebo, discussed the implications, and thought he'd helped her understand that her problem was psychological. But as he was leaving the room, Jane asked, "Can I get that new medicine again next time instead of the Demerol? It really worked great!"

In short, when we think something will work, its chances of doing so increase dramatically. Dr. Hall then refines that idea by giving it a sharper explanation: "What’s effective is not the placebo," meaning the benefit patients derive from a "dummy" pill, "but the meaning of the treatment." She hypothesizes that the power of the effect depends on four variables: patient expectancy; motivation (the desire to improve one's health); a certain amount of conditioning, including from advertising; and endogenous opiates, or pain-relieving chemicals produced in the brain, which copy the effect of pain-relievers such as opiates.

To that end, it isn't so surprising to hear her claim: "A substantial percentage of the effects from antidepressants may be placebo effects." Her assertion jibes with one that PT blogger Dr. Philip Newton made on this site last December: "In some controversial cases, such as selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI) anti-depressants," he wrote, "placebo effects are thought to account for a major proportion of the positive effects of a drug."

Researchers have of course long-known and long-studied the effect of placebos, and just as obviously try to minimize the effect by controlling for it. In "Listening to Prozac but Hearing Placebo," however, a significant meta-analysis of SSRI antidepressants given to 2,318 patients with depression, Drs. Irving Kirsch and Guy Sapirstein found in 1998 that "the placebo response is a predictor of the drug response," which is rather telling, and a relation they chart quite dramatically on the following graph:

Not only that, but "the placebo response was constant across different types of medication (75%), and the correlation between placebo effect and drug effect was .90." As they put it, "These data indicate that virtually all of the variation in drug effect size was due to the placebo characteristics of the studies," which calculated placebo as the single largest factor, accounting for 50.97% of SSRI efficacy.

"Our results are in agreement with those of other meta-analyses," Kirsch and Sapirstein explained, "revealing a substantial placebo effect in antidepressant medication." "They also indicate that the placebo component of the response to medication is considerably greater than the pharmacological effect."

Kirsch and Sapirstein's study never got the airtime it deserved. A serious, well-executed meta-analysis, it was quickly drowned out by a litany of other studies that assessed the efficacy of antidepressants in comparative terms with each other, rather than as a base-level investigation of efficacy, with each drug studied relative to placebo alone. The shift in emphasis played a big role in tilting interest more toward comparative pharmacology, shunting the effect of placebos aside.

Still, Dr. Hall's striking article hopefully will return our attention to the exciting opportunities and real quandaries (medical and ethical) that the placebo effect poses, in so far as it can have a documented, substantial, and lasting impact on patients without costs or side effects. Hence the pun in my title: placebos do work—which is to say, they have effects that are part of the treatment process and should not be discounted as such.

The placebo indicates that the mind and its sometimes unconscious effects are incredibly powerful instruments in treatment, and that we're getting but half the story in focusing so relentlessly on biology and genes, to the expense of so much else.

Granted, offering placebo alone to patients (something I'm not advocating) would raise charges of quackery and suspicions that the doctor or psychiatrist is inherently against medication, a position viewed with great skepticism today. To put that another way, patients so often expect medication that if the doctor or psychiatrist doesn't prescribe any the patient can view that outcome (and physician) negatively, as minimizing their problem and even as hinting that they've wasted time.

With that level of expectancy, however, the placebo effect is doubtless ramped up even more, accounting for still-greater pharmaceutical effects, something that's worth taking into consideration, not least because it adds a benefit or a wrinkle—depending on perspective—to the treatment options available.

I'm suggesting that we pay a lot more attention to how those forms of persuasion influence medical and psychiatric practice right across the board.

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British MP declares dyslexia a myth

Manchester : United Kingdom | 5 months ago
3 1
Views: 12,979

Mr Graham Stringer, a Labout MP sparked fierce debate by declaring that dyslexia sis not exist and was only a ruse to cover up bad teaching. He believes that the condition is "false" and believes that it has been used to disguise substandard education. He stated that "the education department rather than admit their eclectic and incomplete methods for instruction are at fault, have invented a brain disorder called dyslexia."

Using Nicaragua and South Korea as examples, he said that if dyslexia existed then there would be noway such countries could acheive literacy rates of nearly 100%. He also criticised what he saw as "financial and educational incentives for being bad at spelling and reading." This was a thinly veiled attack on the £74.8 million paid out to dyslexia sufferers under the umbrella of disability benefits. He has called for this to stop and for wider and more structured teaching to improve the standards of reading, writing, spelling and grammar.

But he came under attack from the British Dyslexia Association (BDA) who told the BBC that Mr Stringer "has failed to grasp he issue." Shirley Cramer of Dyslexia Action said that there is so much evidence to support the existence of the condition and that action was needed to help sufferers.

angels and demons

Angels, Demons, and The Tetragrammaton
Written By: Jeff Behnke
Posted: 6/20/2009


Most people have the assumption that their thoughts are their own, the methods they use to reason and feel are their own. When they feel, they believe the feeling is coming from inside of themselves. When they sort something out logically, they feel that sorting and dividing capability is coming from inside. Why bother to think differently about it? People are generally discouraged to consider their own mental capacities in a different fashion, anyway. Saying to yourself, “Are these thoughts I am having my own?” we are told, leads down that slippery slope known as schizophrenia. I’ve approached this question without assuming I am mad, however, probably because of my background as a programmer and my fear that my and everyone else’s minds are mere toys of those in higher seats of power, either on a physical level of existence or otherwise. We have a firm belief that man thinks differently than the animals, for instance, but are unsure of what ’different methods’ are being utilized in our inner selves that other animals don’t have access to while they do their thinking. We never really stop to consider whether those different methods are even our own. Are these different methods manufactured by man’s consciousness, or perhaps borrowed? If those thought processes are manufactured and owned by human consciousness, why can’t animals manufacture the same methods of thinking as well over time to build spaceships and cities to compete with our own?

Let us consider then, just for the sake of argument, the way we think is not internally manufactured but instead has been implanted somehow and is merely made available for use. In such a world, the thoughts themselves aren’t necessarily created through egotistical conscious effort, but are instead channeled through the will of the person. The will then, is actually the tap and filter on a faucet, but not the water itself. Man thus feels he himself is being logical, but in actuality, the ’logicalness’ of his thoughts are being streamed out of him, through him, allowing him to see and communicate using the axioms of logic even if this logic does not belong to his own mental capacities. He could just as easily, at any time, stream emotion or creativity in a completely contradictory fashion. Whether it be logic or creativity or what not really doesn’t matter—these processes are not owned by the channeler. Instead, they are being decided to be used by the channeler and does not make up an ounce of who or what they really are. People become emotionally attached to their streams, believing it is themselves, but a much keener eye will realize it is not—it couldn’t be, because the streams can be switched at any time, and if we are to switch them, wouldn’t we have become lost in the shuffle?

You might think this isn’t much of a difference between channeling or generating thoughts and so it hardly matters to you, but it actually has a number of philosophical implications, one of which is whether or not man is a vessel for a higher power, or if he himself is that higher power. Obviously this is the dramatic argument taking place in most world religions. If man is just channeling logic through him like water, he does not have the capability to create something out of nothing as logic already exists as an actual thing outside of himself, albeit on some metaphysical plane controlled by God, and man only has the capability to express it just as he can express any other stream. But if he is generating logic through his own will, he has the capability of creating something out of nothing, so he is ’like’ God, the prime mover.

In a number of my own writings, I’ve explored the capability we all have that we are making this place up, that somehow through our own shared perceptions, like the stock market, we give the words we say its reality, its context, without the need for a prime mover to oversee the functioning of it all. This vision of life resembles the free market in which there is no manipulation, and the price of the Dow, for instance, is true, because that is what everyone collectively believes. Mob rules reality. In such a world, fairies will only exist if enough people believe in them, and they will cease to exist if enough people do not believe in them. Reality is what we, combined, make it out to be. Right is what the majority of the people believe, and wrong is what the majority of the people do not believe. In such a world, we do not channel any puristic concept at all and there is no metaphysical plane that we do not have direct access to—instead, we generate that metaphysical plane ourselves.

There is, however, an alternative view that we do not live in a completely free market reality at all because those prices (the substance of things) are intentionally created and manipulated elsewhere outside of the free market by the reality kings--the fat cats thus get an abnormal share where the common man loses out. The fat cats are in a closed society that do the real generating of the prices of things like gods, and the common men are in the ’free market’ which are pretty much given the leftover scraps—at a price. The fat cat never loses—the common man always does. The fat cat can thus predict the future prices because he creates them, and the others cannot because the future is a blind spot for him—a blind spot placed there by those who are in a higher seat of power. Common man can therefore only express the price of things, not create the price of things directly.

The ’free market’ view seems to state that we generate our reality collectively and as such we are our own thoughts and are not channeling anything. We make logic what it is, we make creativity what it is. The ’closed market fat cat’ view, on the other hand, seems to state that we are merely utilizing these things existing on a higher plane, made by God or otherwise (themselves, they hope). But why are fat cats so lucky? Why are common men so unlucky? It is difficult to understand how, in a free market, fat cats can get fat without a manipulation of some sort.

Which is correct? A blending, obviously, but the choice between the two views becomes even more intriguing when you realize that many of the fat cats in the system are occultists of some sort, in that they actively practice ritualistic behavior, which is almost completely against the concept of it being an open market system, or an ’open reality’ system. Why nod your head to a higher power when you have all the power? Occultists come straight out of the mystery schools of the upper echelons of society probably all the way back to Atlantis, and those upper echelons have the most power in the world today. But does their power come from an external source because they understand the most about this reality, or an internal one where they are generating their own power? Do they channel this power, or do they make it up?

Regardless of who you believe is ultimately in charge, it is at least curious to explore the possibility that we are channeling modes of thought that we do not own, almost like we are executing programs, and not generating it. If we are channeling, there is nothing new under the sun, and we are merely given the capability to perceive this world through mental faculties handed to us. This is the view of Solomon. If we are generating, there can be much that is new under the sun, and distinctly different cultures should be cropping up all over the place, mentally or otherwise, including things such as pixies and unicorns. This is the--well, Timothy Leary perspective. I personally have enjoyed the Timothy Leary perspective more so than the Solomon perspective because it is more natural to me, and the faculties that have been given to me at birth sort of stacked the odds in Timothy Leary’s favor…but if I can step outside of myself and my own inclinations, the channeling perspective of Solomon is more, well, realistic.

The exploration of channeling and what it means to answer to a higher power has become well defined in our culture in trillions of different ways that are directly accessible in every vocation known to man. It doesn’t matter which you choose—all bases are covered—and those who are most successful in a vocation depends upon how well or how pure that person has control of the mental faculties available to him, and how well he is able to combine those faculties in a sort of beautiful synthesis. The difference between the common man and someone from the mystery schools, however, seems to be how well defined those channels have become and how pure the different modes of thought can be funneled through a person’s consciousness. The Illuminati of the renaissance, for instance, are known for this. A “renaissance man” was the equivalent of an ultra-powerful jack of all trades. He would write poetry, create books on mathematics, and paint in his spare time while holding court in his living room for nobility while commenting on the almondness of a brand of French wine—spoken in Latin. The renaissance man didn’t run around trying to invent unicorns, but instead, he simply attempted to utilize knowledge from the symbolism found in the mystery schools and build upon what was already there. His activities were all considered studies in which he was not attempting to say anything new, but instead trying to synthesize things through his mind which are already here.

Those who have become successful during such activities could take two very distinct routes—the “right-hand” renaissance man channeled the elements as an expression of his love for God, calling himself a mere vessel and his abilities a gift from heaven. His statements attempted to remove his ego from the equation, claiming all works were done selflessly. The corrupt or “left-hand” renaissance man learned all there was to know about channeling and, instead of using it to express the glory of God, claimed it for his own, infusing it with his own ego. The upright power structure ultimately became infected by the downright as it was impossible to maintain purity as man has free will, and all systematic corruption has pretty much stemmed from this secondary group. Since both apparently should exist, it is obviously extremely difficult to sort out the chaff from the wheat. Ultimately the choice on how to live is completely yours, as it was theirs. Do you want to be an upright channeler, or do you want to be a degenerate who discovers the truth, and uses it for base gratifications through inversion? Regardless, you must study the elements that make up these pure mental faculties we are using on a day to day basis, read elements encoded in works from the mystery schools—all the while hold it at arms length, unsure of whether or not it was written and shared among true ’initiates’ of God, or shared among the initiates of, well, something else--because ultimately it is probably a combination of the two, both of whom have a complete understanding of what it is in particular they are doing.

In both instances, whether used by the individual for the glorification of this universe as he found it or the glorification of an individual himself, we have the Tetragrammaton—God—the originator of all things. I see him/it/he/she/we/they most often as a spinning series of tetrahedrons, holographically influencing the meaning of all other pieces of itself, much like a diamond refracting light and forming a series of rainbows. Although the immediate structure of the universe that we have access through using our senses shows us something finite, the refraction of light upon the surface of the Tetragrammaton through synthesis is actually infinite and can be used to infuse any number of words and structures with meaning forever. Picture this Tetragrammaton (I call it the hologram) as a pair of glasses that brings focus to the world around you, and it is a pair of glasses that you must wear lest everything else outside of you resemble little more than a fuzzy mess (the wave state of reality). It is thus perception itself. Light is the source of everything, but to give light its various definitions and frequencies it must interact with something, and that something in which it is interacting with is the implanted structure of the Tetragrammaton you are using to perceive everything in the universe in a particular way. We are but wells which allow the variations of this light to find intense expression through our own practice of faculties in such things as art, literature, music, beauty, and aesthetics. How deep your well goes and how many different variations of light you can reflect out into the world depends upon how well you study your craft.

Mystics from the mystery schools seem to have been enchanted with this process of enhancing their understandings and have tried to understand the variations of the Tetragrammaton in as potent of a manner as possible. They felt that if they could define these differing modes of thought (refraction), they could use the various methods to get what they wanted in life—in other words, force the world that was being perceived through the hologram to assemble itself in a certain way that appealed to them specifically.

The different refractions of light, or modes of thinking, or processes, were given names. To the christian mystic, they would have been the names of the angels and the demons. Each angel would be a puristic example of a process that the mystic could channel. Each demon, the same. I used to be relatively confused when reading occult literature. I asked myself, why in the world would someone pray to God just before ’summoning’ a demon? In addition, there were warnings issued by these mystics, stating that the process of summoning a demon should not be given to ’the profane.’ When I ran across the fat cat philosophy of controlling the future for their own benefit, I realized who, in particular they were referring to. A part of ascension is to know that materialistic faculties are just as much a part of God as any other. If you have control of those faculties and use it for the glorification of pre-existing structures (God) as opposed to trying to put a saddle on it and ride it like a beast, you are taking the right-hand path.

The mystics understood that they must “bind” these thought processes, and they could only do so by understanding in very potent and puristic detail how those processes function. If they failed to ’bind’ them, the mystic would be the one used instead of the reverse. A mystic would summon a demon which represented a method of seeing the world—destructively, constructively, creatively, logically, all a part of the Tetragrammaton—and claim authority over that archetype. Once this commanding role had been taken by the mystic, he was free to utilize and control it. Tapping in to one of these methods without symbolic ’binding’ protection ended up with the mystic becoming obsessed and addicted to a given demon or angel (or mode of thought), causing them to become little more than a mindless vessel for the singular realized activities of that supposed supernatural being. It would be like a faucet getting stuck and they would have no ability to shut it off. Without knowledge of the power of such beings, one would be incapable of controlling it and thus mindlessly fall prey to it, so they attempted to purify their understanding through occult (and masonic) apprenticeships before attempting such rituals.

This colorful scenario is played out on a day to day basis in people’s minds around you without the need to summon. Everyone, whether they like it or not, can be seen as a mere vessel that is either in control of these immortal angels or demons finding expression through them (flows and frequencies), or is controlled by them like a puppet. Logic, for instance, if understood in its purist form, is a system of perception, and that system of perception, to the mystic, is given a name so the mystic knows when, where, and how that supernatural being (method of thought) is finding expression through him. Through the use of magic squares, the mystic could then take the word ’logic’ (in a much more ancient language, of course), and break it down into all of its variations: LOGIC, OGCIL, GICLO, ICLOG, CLOGI, and as long as they understood the fundamental meaning of the letters and numbers, they could further draw out meanings of these variations of LOGIC. Only those who had bound the demon called ’logic’ through the Tetragrammaton square could they fully utilize its power without being seduced and consequently addicted to it. It is without a doubt easy for you to think of a number of individuals around you who can’t see their hand in front of their face in many instances simply because they are addicted to one mode of thinking or another. You, consequently, can become addicted to emotion, or one of the other sub-angels or sub-demons of emotion as defined by the magic square. Only you know what method you use more than any to do your thinking, and it is that method of thinking which in 100% of the cases has a mystical counterpart that has been defined by the mystery schools.

Furthermore, control itself (of angelic beings or otherwise) is often associated with a mixed balance, and balance requires a number of things—most notably that all elements (modes of thought) have an equal voice. Everything has a time and place, and those who are in control of their faculties assure that everything does have a time and place. As a result, society finds it much easier to relinquish control to them, because you know that your voice (which is really not yours but one of the archetypes you use the most often) has been heard and you don’t have to say anything more.

At some point in human history, a few have apparently come to this conclusion and, as such, have incorporated extreme ritualistic behavior into their life, ensuring that they control the reins instead of one of the archetypes individually seeking expression through them. Through their ritualistic behaviour, they hope that all of these variations as has been defined by the occult sciences find expression-- since they give all of them a piece of the action, they take on the honorific role of living like a ’god’—from whence everything, combined, originated, and to which everything glorifies. They thus become ’god-like’ and it is quite telling that those on the planet who utilize the most power have become just that. They thus listen to astrologers, numerologers, freemasons, Qabbalastic and Hermetic scholars to define ways to break up their actions and thoughts so these angelic and demonic beings know who is in control, the master craftsmen of the planet—even if they are ultimately not in control at all. They get as close as possible to the sun, but without ever being able to see what lies beyond.

Angels and demons cannot be bound forever,however, so the wrongs given to those who have bound them will eventually be corrected. 2012 perhaps? Those who believe they are doing the riding will eventually be the ridden. It is a an escape hatch in the system of this “demon-haunted” world. The animals who are considered lowly beasts by the left-handed enlightened shall rise up somehow, build those spaceships, fill them with the parasitic king rats, and blast them directly towards the sun to give them what they ultimately know is coming straight for them. This is the ’flipping of the poles’ or the ’many’ taking over the seat of power of the ’one.’ I do not know when or how—all I know is that it is inevitable. All those valves and faucets out there hidden inside of us will just decide enough is enough as the universal energy is coalesced like a massive weight at the top of the pyramid, and as the result of their gravity, it shall flip the whole structure on its head. I hope all of us will be here to watch the show.

how to trigger a near death experience

The Trigger of Relaxation

Robert Monroe's out-of-body research

Robert Monroe (1915-1995) was the pioneer in the investigation of out-of-body experiences (OBEs) and the author of the ground-breaking book entitled Journeys out of the Body. His record of out of body experiences in places unbound by time or death has comforted millions of people who have encountered paranormal incidents. Unpredictably and without his willing it, Monroe found himself leaving his physical body and traveling via a second body to locales far removed from any physical or spiritual reality he could comprehend. In the ensuing years, Monroe and his group began work on means and methods of inducing and controlling this and other forms of consciousness in their laboratory. As specialists in creating patterns of effective sound, they used this base for their research. Their efforts gradually produced significant results, and attracted International interest among people from all walks of life. In 1974, he founded the Monroe Institute and began conducting learning seminars in self-control of human consciousness. Three patents were issued to Monroe for the methods and techniques so generated, and the trademark, HEMI-SYNC, also became broad public knowledge. Other works by Monroe are Far Journeys, and Ultimate Journey.

In his book, he describes a technique for triggering out-of-body states. Here is a brief description of the technique:

Robert Monroe's Technique
For Triggering an OBE
(1) First lie down in a darkened room in a relaxing position.
(2) Loosen your clothing and remove all jewelry.
(3)

Enter into a very relaxing state and consciously tell yourself that you will remember everything that happens at this time.

(4) Begin breathing through your half-open mouth.
(5) Concentrate on an object.
(6) When other images start to enter your mind, passively watch them.
(7) Try to clear your mind and observe your field of vision through your closed eyes.
(8) Do nothing more for a while.
(9) Simply look through your closed eyelids at the blackness in front of you.
(10) After a while, you may notice light patterns.
(11)

When these cease, a state of such relaxation will happen that you lose all awareness of the body.

(12)

You are almost in the state where your only source of stimulation will be your own thoughts.

(13) It is this relaxed and refreshed condition where out-of-body journeys are triggered.
(14)

To leave your body, think of yourself getting lighter and of how nice it would be to float upwards.

(15) With sufficient practice Monroe claims that a wide variety of experiences.

There are a wide variety of psychic and spiritual states that can result from leaving the body consciously. The traveler can find him or herself in either formed states (those containing objects) or amorphous states when leaving the body in this way.

One type of conscious transition occurs when the traveler simply disconnects the inner spiritual self from the physical body, and moves out and away from the physical body consciously. This disconnection happens frequently in near-death experience where the injured person moves a short distance from the physical body and observes it.

This method of slipping out of the body has little drama associated with it except for the fear aroused in the individual who does not understand what is happening. Robert Monroe describes his experiences as follows:

In 1958, without any apparent cause, I began to float out of my physical body. It was not voluntary; I was not attempting any mental feats. It was not during sleep, so I couldn't dismiss it as simply a dream. I had full, conscious awareness of what was happening, which of course only made it worse. I assumed it was some sort of hallucination caused by something dangerous - a brain tumor, or impending mental illness. Or imminent death.


It occurred usually when I would lie down or relax for rest or preparatory to sleep - not every time but several times weekly. I would float up a few feet above my body before I became aware of what was happening. Terrified, I would struggle through the air and back into my physical body. Try as I might, I could not prevent it from recurring. (Monroe, 2-3)

The traveler can also move directly into a visualized space that is very much like a dream environment maintaining continuous awareness of the transition into this space. Though the experience talks about being in a light sleep when the transition took place, I have had a very similar experience where I was awake when the image I was perceiving turned into a three-dimensional space which I then entered via spiritual travel.

Sometimes the traveler's transition to formed environments will involve dynamic movement, and the traveler will enter the environment soaring above fields and cities, taking in vast panoramas.

In many cases, the body image of the traveler is more or less identical to his physical body but this is not always the case. A common experience is for the traveler to become a point of consciousness or a unit of awareness with no sense of a body which takes up space. Here the traveler identifies him or herself as pure observer or witness, and is more of a disembodied set of ears and pair of eyes. Sight and hearing are the two senses that usually dominate during spiritual travel.

Moving consciously into amorphous states is more difficult to describe. These states are usually areas of intense experience where the dominant reality is that of light, sound, vibration, motion or emotion.

Going from a waking state or semi-waking state into an amorphous state is usually the most dramatic kind of spiritual travel experience. In one type of amorphous transition, the traveler suddenly senses a powerful vibration or sound and is caught up in that energy. This is sometimes accompanied by a feeling of being drawn or propelled by this vibration at tremendous speed through a dark space. This experience seems very similar to the descriptions of the tunnel associated with near-death experience. Numerous people who came very close to death (no heartbeat or respiration) have near-death experiences where they have described different types of sounds or vibrations which propelled them at seemingly great speed through a dark tunnel or corridor.

Sometimes, there is a feeling of being catapulted out of the body. In these cases, the vibrations usually start at a low pitch and continue gaining in frequency and power until they become almost explosive in their intensity.

In other cases, there is the feeling of the inner sounds or vibrations but not the experience of movement and acceleration. Often, such static experiences involve hearing spiritual music or sounds, and can be quite ecstatic.

The above mentioned inner sounds along with inner lights can sometimes act as a means of transition between waking experience and some formed inner world.

Here is a transition involving inner light which starts from a waking state, moves initially to an amorphous state of energy and movement, and then to a formed state of stability. This stable state is usually a quasi-physical environment.

Sounds which occur during conscious transitions out of the body are usually very powerful, and may result in the obliteration of the body image. I have found the nerves which inform the person of his body's weight, size and position in space seem to largely quit functioning when the sound occurs.

Some of the sounds which occur are of a spiritual or mystical nature rather than transitional sounds that carry the traveler to a different place. These higher spiritual sounds are of a heavenly nature and are ecstatic beyond description. They are therefore one of the final destinations of spiritual travel rather than a means to some other place.

Some sample sounds one may encounter are the sounds of a speeding train, a loud buzzing, a flute, or the sounds of nature like the roar of a waterfall. These sounds or vibrations are of such intensity that they seem to pass right through the body, overpowering the other senses. Here we have an example of change of identity during spiritual travel where the individual literally merges with the sound.

This report illustrates conscious transitions out of the body which may occur spontaneously, due to an accident or injury, or as a result of deliberate action and intention. The key here is that there is no loss of consciousness during the transition between the waking state and the spiritual travel.

"I now feel that my life is totally guided by God ... To me it was a case of total surrender and total freedom." - Janet, near-death experiencer

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iraqi deaths

Student Researchers: Danielle Stanton, Tim LeDonne, and Kat Pat Crespán
Faculty Evaluator: Heidi LaMoreaux, PhD

Over one million Iraqis have met violent deaths as a result of the 2003 invasion, according to a study conducted by the prestigious British polling group, Opinion Research Business (ORB). These numbers suggest that the invasion and occupation of Iraq rivals the mass killings of the last century—the human toll exceeds the 800,000 to 900,000 believed killed in the Rwandan genocide in 1994, and is approaching the number (1.7 million) who died in Cambodia’s infamous “Killing Fields” during the Khmer Rouge era of the 1970s.

ORB’s research covered fifteen of Iraq’s eighteen provinces. Those not covered include two of Iraq’s more volatile regions—Kerbala and Anbar—and the northern province of Arbil, where local authorities refused them a permit to work. In face-to-face interviews with 2,414 adults, the poll found that more than one in five respondents had had at least one death in their household as a result of the conflict, as opposed to natural cause.

Authors Joshua Holland and Michael Schwartz point out that the dominant narrative on Iraq—that most of the violence against Iraqis is being perpetrated by Iraqis themselves and is not our responsibility—is ill conceived. Interviewers from the Lancet report of October 2006 (Censored 2006, #2) asked Iraqi respondents how their loved ones died. Of deaths for which families were certain of the perpetrator, 56 percent were attributable to US forces or their allies. Schwartz suggests that if a low pro rata share of half the unattributed deaths were caused by US forces, a total of approximately 80 percent of Iraqi deaths are directly US perpetrated.

Even with the lower confirmed figures, by the end of 2006, an average of 5,000 Iraqis had been killed every month by US forces since the beginning of the occupation. However, the rate of fatalities in 2006 was twice as high as the overall average, meaning that the American average in 2006 was well over 10,000 per month, or over 300 Iraqis every day. With the surge that began in 2007, the current figure is likely even higher.

Schwartz points out that the logic to this carnage lies in a statistic released by the US military and reported by the Brookings Institute: for the first four years of the occupation the American military sent over 1,000 patrols each day into hostile neighborhoods, looking to capture or kill “insurgents” and “terrorists.” (Since February 2007, the number has increased to nearly 5,000 patrols a day, if we include the Iraqi troops participating in the American surge.) Each patrol invades an average of thirty Iraqi homes a day, with the mission to interrogate, arrest, or kill suspects. In this context, any fighting age man is not just a suspect, but a potentially lethal adversary. Our soldiers are told not to take any chances (see Story #9).

According to US military statistics, again reported by the Brookings Institute, these patrols currently result in just under 3,000 firefights every month, or just under an average of one hundred per day (not counting the additional twenty-five or so involving our Iraqi allies). Thousands of patrols result in thousands of innocent Iraqi deaths and unconscionably brutal detentions.

Iraqis’ attempts to escape the violence have resulted in a refugee crisis of mammoth proportion. According to the United Nations Refugee Agency and the International Organization for Migration, in 2007 almost 5 million Iraqis had been displaced by violence in their country, the vast majority of which had fled since 2003. Over 2.4 million vacated their homes for safer areas within Iraq, up to 1.5 million were living in Syria, and over 1 million refugees were inhabiting Jordan, Iran, Egypt, Lebanon, Turkey, and Gulf States. Iraq’s refugees, increasing by an average of almost 100,000 every month, have no legal work options in most host states and provinces and are increasingly desperate.1

Yet more Iraqis continue to flee their homes than the numbers returning, despite official claims to the contrary. Thousands fleeing say security is as bad as ever, and that to return would be to accept death. Most of those who return are subsequently displaced again.

Maki al-Nazzal and Dahr Jamail quote an Iraqi engineer now working at a restaurant in Damascus, “Return to Iraq? There is no Iraq to return to, my friend. Iraq only exists in our dreams and memories.”

Another interviewee told the authors, “The US military say Fallujah is safe now while over 800 men are detained there under the worst conditions. . . . At least 750 out of the 800 detainees are not resistance fighters, but people who refused to collaborate with occupation forces and their tails.” (Iraqis who collaborate with occupation forces are commonly referred to as “tails of the Americans.”)

Another refugee from Baghdad said, “I took my family back home in January. The first night we arrived, Americans raided our house and kept us all in one room while their snipers used our rooftop to shoot at people. I decided to come back here [Damascus] the next morning after a horrifying night that we will never forget.”

Citation

1. “The Iraqi Displacement Crisis,” Refugees International, March 3, 2008.

UPDATE BY MICHAEL SCHWARTZ

The mortality statistics cited in “Is the United States Killing 10,000 Iraqis Every Month?” were based on another article suitable for Project Censored recognition, a scientific investigation of deaths caused by the war in Iraq. The original article, published in Lancet in 2006, received some dismissive coverage when it was released, and then disappeared from view as the mainstream media returned to reporting biased estimates that placed Iraqi casualties at about one-tenth the Lancet estimates. The corporate media blackout of the original study extended to my article as well, and has continued unabated, though the Lancet article has withstood several waves of criticism, while being confirmed and updated by other studies (Censored 2006, #2).

By early 2008, the best estimate, based on extrapolations and replications of the Lancet study, was that 1.2 million Iraqis had died as a consequence of the war. This figure has not, to my knowledge, been reported in any mass media outlet in the United States.

The blackout of the casualty figures was matched by a similar blackout of other main evidence in my article: that the Bush administration military strategy in Iraq assures vast property destruction and lethality on a daily basis. Rules of engagement that require the approximately one thousand US patrols each day to respond to any hostile act with overwhelming firepower—small arms, artillery, and air power—guarantee that large numbers of civilians will suffer and die. But the mainstream media refuses to cover this mayhem, even after the Winter Soldier meetings in March 2008 featured over one hundred Iraq veterans who testified to their own participation in what they call “atrocity producing situations.” (see Story #9)

The effectiveness of the media blackout is vividly illustrated by an Associated Press poll conducted in February 2007, which asked a representative sample of US residents how many Iraqis had died as a result of the war. The average respondent thought the number was under 10,000, about 2 percent of the actual total at that time. This remarkable mass ignorance, like so many other elements of the Iraq War story, received no coverage in the mass media, not even by the Associated Press, which commissioned the study.

The Iraq Veterans Against the War has made the brutality of the occupation their special activist province. The slaughter of the Iraqi people is the foundation of their demand for immediate and full withdrawal of US troops, and the subject of their historic Winter Soldier meetings in Baltimore. Though there was no mainstream US media coverage of this event, the live streaming on Pacifica Radio and on the IVAW website reached a huge audience—including a vast number of active duty soldiers—with vivid descriptions of atrocities committed by the US war machine. A growing number of independent news sites now feature regular coverage of this aspect of the war, including Democracy Now!, Tom Dispatch, Dahr Jamail’s MidEast Dispatches, Informed Comment, Antiwar.com, and ZNet.

UPDATE BY MAKI AL-NAZZAL AND DAHR JAMAIL

The promotion of US general David Petraeus to head CENTCOM, and General Raymond Odierno to replace Petraeus as commanding general of the Multi-National Force in Iraq, provoked a lot of anger amongst Iraqis in both Syria and Jordan. The two generals who convinced US and international society of improvement in Iraq do not seem to have succeeded in convincing Iraqi refugees of their success.

“Just like the Bush Administration decorated Paul Bremer (former head of the Coalition Provisional Authority), they are rewarding others who participated in the destruction to Iraq,” stated Muhammad Shamil, an Iraqi journalist who fled Iraq to Syria in 2006. “What they call violence was concentrated in some parts of Iraq, but now spread to be all over the country, thanks to US war heroes. People are getting killed, evicted or detained by the thousands, from Basra (South) to Mosul (North).”

Other Iraqi refugees seem to have changed attitudes regarding their hopes to return. Compared to when this story was published in March 2008, the refugee crisis continues to deepen. This is exacerbated by the fact that most Iraqis have no intention of returning home. Instead, they are looking for permanent residence in other countries.

“I decided to stop dreaming of going back home and find myself a new home anywhere in the world if I could,” said thirty-two-year-old Maha Numan in Syria, “I have been a refugee for three years now living on the dream of return, but I decided to stop dreaming. I have lost faith in all leaders of the world after the surges of Basra, Sadr City and now Mosul. This seems to be endless and one has to work harder on finding a safe haven for one’s family.”

Iraqis in Syria know a lot more of the news about their country than most journalists. At an Internet café in Damascus, each of them calls his hometown and reports the happenings of the day to other Iraqi refugees. News of ongoing violence across much of Iraq convinces them to remain abroad.

“There were four various explosions in Fallujah today,” said Salam Adel, who worked as a translator for US forces in Fallujah in 2005. “And they say it is safe to go back! Damn them, go back for what? For roadside bombs or car bombs?”

It has been important, politically, for the Bush administration to claim that the situation in Iraq is improving. This claim has been assisted by a complicit corporate media. However, the 1.5 million Iraqis in Syria, and over 750,000 in Jordan, will tell you differently. Otherwise, they would not remain outside of Iraq.

socialism vs capitalism

war on terror scorecard

Those shoes are definitely bi-curious.
Reply #1 posted 11/29/07 10:23am

guitarslinger44

disbelief This "War On Terror" should be called what it truly is: a War On Freedom. Trumped up charges, trumped up attacks, and all so the US can get its hands on the Middle east oil. Let's face it folks, our "enemies" don't hate us because of our "freedom" they hate us because WE ARE THE TERRORISTS! disbelief

quotes on terrorism

“We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth… Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those, who having eyes, see not, and having ears, hear not..?

For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it might cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know.. it — now.”

- Patrick Henry, 1775.

“Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations against us, nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the Government nor of dungeons to ourselves. Let us have faith that right makes might, and in that faith, let us, to the end, dare to do our duty as we understand it.”

- Abraham Lincoln, February 27th, 1860

Christina

Click to Learn More of Sekhmet and Ancient Egyptian Medicine
The Illustration "Sekhmet" is used by permission. Sole copyright belongs to Moyra at the incredible Weblusions.


"How strong She is! Without contender,
She honours Her name as Queen of the Cities.
Sharp-sighted, keen as God's protector, Right Eye of Ra,
disciple facing Her Lord, bright with the Glory of God,
wise upon Her high throne.
She is Most Holy of Places, a mecca the world cannot parallel."



-Leyden Hymn 10, 19th Dynasty, Foster Translation.

egypt

Ancient Egyptian Virtual Temple

history

When did ancient months start?

In the eighth century B.C.E., civilizations all over the world either discarded or modified their old 360 day calendars. The 360 day calendars had been in use for the greater part of a millennium. In many places, month lengths immediately after that change were not fixed, but were based instead upon observation of the sky.

Priest-astronomers were assigned the duty of declaring when a new month began – it was usually said to have started at the first sighting of a new moon. Month length at that time was simply the number of days that passed from one new lunar crescent to the next.

During those years in Rome, for example, a Pontifex (priest) observed the sky and announced a new moon and therefore the new month to the king. For centuries afterward Romans referred to the first day of each new month as Kalends or Kalends from their word calare (to announce solemnly, to call out). The word calendar derived from this custom.

This practice of starting a month at the first sighting of a new moon was observed not only by Romans but by Celts and Germans in Europe and by Babylonians and Hebrews in the Lavant. All of these peoples began their month when a young crescent was first seen in the sky. This is still done for the Islamic Calendar, but a new moon’s date is calculated for traditional lunar calendars that are currently used in China and India.

During the period when month lengths were not fixed, new moons were usually sighted after either 29 or 30 days. If clouds obscured vision on the thirtieth day, a new month was declared to have begun.

When month lengths were identical with lunations, only those that lasted 30 days were considered to be normal. This was probably because all months had previously been 30 days for such a long period of time.

During this period in Greece, for example, months that consisted of 30 days were considered to be "full;" those that lasted only 29 days were said to be "hollow." Months containing 30 days were also called "full" in Babylon, but those containing 29 were deemed to be "defective."

After month lengths in the Celtic Calendar became fixed, those that had been given 30 days were termed "matos" (lucky) and those given 29 days "anmatos" (unlucky). This notion still exists today, months of 30 days in the Hebrew Calendar are called "full" and those with 29 are deemed to be "deficient."

When was the ancient new year?

In addition to their declaring the beginning of each month based upon a sighting of the new moon, priest-astronomers were also charged with pinpointing the start of a year.

By observing the movement of Sirius, Egyptians came to grips with the fact that the year was more than five days longer than their venerable 360-day calendar. This resulted in a change to their method of approximating year length that had been in use for nearly a millennium. But it also caused them to wonder where the additional days came from. In order to account for these additional days, Egyptians created a myth about their sky-god, Nut.

During the reign of the Babylonian king Nabonasser (traditionally dated between 747 and 734 B.C.E.) priest/ astronomers in that country discontinued their practice of looking for the new moon in order to name the beginning of a month. Instead, they returned to a fixed-length calendar that had 12 months of 30 days each, but with five days added at the end. 10

Usually at a date later than the mid-eighth century B.C.E., many other peoples who had previously considered the year to be 360 days in length reluctantly returned to a calendar of twelve 30-day months, but added five days to the end of their year. These additional days were considered to be very unlucky or unpropitious.

Two eastern Mediterranean peoples who did not embrace Islam were early Christians in upper Egypt, whom we now call Copts, and their neighbors to the south, the Ethiopians. Probably because they were surrounded by Islamic peoples, Coptic and Ethiopian churches never adopted the Western calendar. Instead, these two isolated pockets of Christianity continued to use the old 360-day calendar.

These two calendars are identical except for year number. Copts date their calendar from C.E. 284 but Ethiopians date theirs from C.E. 7. Both of them observe three 365 day years followed by one 366 day year. Their years are divided into 12 months of 30 days each, and the extra five or six days are added after the twelfth month.

Zoroastrians, who began their calendar in 389 B.C.E. with the birth of their founder, the prophet Zoroaster, use a calendar of 365 days. It consists of twelve 30-day months with five "gatha days" added at the end of the year. Each of the thirty days as well as each of the gatha days has its own name. They are referred to by that name just as we speak of a day by its number in the month. Beginning in 1906 of the Common Era, some modern Zoroastrians adopted the practice of adding an additional day every four years.

One of Alexander the Great’s generals, Seleucus Nicator, founded (late 4th Century BCE and early 3rd century BCE) an empire that stretched from Asia Minor to India. He established a new calendar that was essentially the same as one that had been used for some time in Syria. It contained twelve months of 30 days each and an extra five days at the year’s end. Every fourth year an additional day for a total of six days were added at the end of the year.

In Persia under the Sassanids, and in Armenia and Cappadocia the official system of time-reckoning was twelve months of 30 days followed by five more days at the end of the year. However, Arabian astronomers said the Sassanian year of twelve 30-day months was adjusted to the seasons by intercalating a month every 120 years.

Following are details about several ancient calendars...

Hanging Gardens of Babylon

The Hanging Gardens of Babylon

East bank of the River Euphrates, about 50 km south of Baghdad, Iraq Palace with legendary gardens built on the banks of the Euphrates river by King Nebuchadnezzar II (which might have never existed except in the minds of Greek poets and historians, although recent archaeological excavations uncovered the foundation of the palace). Greek historian Diodorus Siculus wrote: "The approach to the Garden sloped like a hillside and the several parts of the structure rose from one another tier on tier... On all this, the earth had been piled... and was thickly planted with trees of every kind that, by their great size and other charm, gave pleasure to the beholder... The water machines (raised) the water in great abundance from the river, although no one outside could see it." (Painting by Mario Larrinaga)

Babylonian calendar

Overview

The ancient Babylonians used a calendar with alternating 29- and 30-day months. This system required the addition of an extra month three times every eight years, and as a further adjustment the king would periodically order the insertion of an additional extra month into the calendar.

The Babylonians, who lived in what is now Iraq, added an extra month to their years at irregular intervals. Their calendar, composed of alternate 29-day and 30-day months, kept roughly in step with the lunar year. To balance the calendar with the solar year, the early Babylonians calculated that they needed to add an extra month three times every eight years. But this system still did not accurately make up for the accumulated differences between the solar year and the lunar year. Whenever the king felt that the calendar had slipped too far out of step with the seasons, he ordered another extra month. However, the Babylonian calendar was quite confused until the 300’s B.C.E., when the Babylonians began to use a more reliable system.

Details

Babylonia was the ancient cultural region occupying southeastern Mesopotamia between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers (modern southern Iraq from around Baghdad to the Persian Gulf). Because the city of Babylon was the capital of this area for so many centuries, the term Babylonia has come to refer to the entire culture that developed in the area from the time it was first settled, about 4000 B.C.E. Before Babylon’s rise to political prominence (c. 1850 B.C.E.), however, the area was divided into two countries: Sumer in the southeast and Akkad in the northwest. The Babylonian kingdom flourished under the rule of the famous King, Hammurabi (1792-1750 BC). It was not until the reign of Naboplashar (625-605 BC) of the Neo-Babylonian dynasty that the Mesopotamian civilization reached its ultimate glory. His son, Nebuchadnezzar II (604-562 BC) is credited for building the legendary Hanging Gardens. It is said that the Gardens were built by Nebuchadnezzar to please his wife or concubine who had been "brought up in Media and had a passion for mountain surroundings."

Five thousand years ago, Sumerians had a calendar that divided the year into 30-day months, divided the day into 12 periods (each corresponding to 2 of our hours), and divided these periods into 30 parts (each like 4 of our minutes).

In Mesopotamia, the solar year was divided into two seasons, the "summer," which included the barley harvest in the second half of May or in the beginning of June, and the "winter," which roughly corresponded to today’s fall-winter. Three seasons (Assyria) and four seasons (Anatolia) were counted in northerly countries, but in Mesopotamia the bipartition of the year seemed natural. As late as c. 1800 B.C.E. the prognoses for the welfare of the city of Mari, on the middle Euphrates, were taken for six months.

The months began at the first visibility of the New Moon, and in the 8th century B.C.E. court astronomers still reported this important observation to the Assyrian kings. The names of the months differed from city to city, and within the same Sumerian city of Babylonia a month could have several names, derived from festivals, from tasks (e.g. sheepshearing) usually performed in the given month, and so on, according to local needs. On the other hand, as early as the 27th century B.C.E., the Sumerians had used artificial time units in referring to the tenure of some high official – e.g., on N-day of the turn of office of PN, governor. The Sumerian administration also needed a time unit comprising the whole agricultural cycle; for example, from the delivery of new barley and the settling of pertinent accounts to the next crop. This financial year began about two months after barley cutting. For other purposes, a year began before or with the harvest. This fluctuating and discontinuous year was not precise enough for the meticulous accounting of Sumerian scribes, who by 2400 B.C.E. already used the schematic year of 30 x 12 = 360 days.

At about the same time, the idea of a royal year took precise shape, beginning probably at the time of barley harvest, when the king celebrated the new (agricultural) year by offering first fruits to gods in expectation of their blessings for the year. When, in the course of this year, some royal exploit (conquest, temple building, and so on) demonstrated that the fates had been fixed favorably by the celestial powers, the year was named accordingly; for example, as the year in which "the temple of Ningirsu was built." Until the naming, a year was described as that "following the year named (after such and such event)." The use of the date formulas was supplanted in Babylonia by the counting of regnal years in the 17th century B.C.E.

The use of lunar reckoning began to prevail in the 21st century B.C.E. The lunar year probably owed its success to economic progress. A barley loan could be measured out to the lender at the next year’s threshing floor. The wider use of silver as the standard of value demanded more flexible payment terms. A man hiring a servant in the lunar month of Kislimu for a year knew that the engagement would end at the return of the same month, without counting days or periods of office between two dates. At the city of Mari in about 1800 B.C.E., the allocations were already reckoned on the basis of 29- and 30-day lunar months. In the 18th century B.C.E., the Babylonian Empire standardized the year by adopting the lunar calendar of the Sumerian sacred city of Nippur. The power and the cultural prestige of Babylon assured the success of the lunar year, which began on Nisanu 1, in the spring. When, in the 17th century B.C.E., the dating by regnal years became usual, the period between the accession day and the next Nisanu 1 was described as "the beginning of the kingship of PN," and the regnal years were counted from this Nisanu 1.

It was necessary for the lunar year of about 354 days to be brought into line with the solar (agricultural) year of approximately 365 days. This was accomplished by the use of an intercalated month. Thus, in the 21st century B.C.E., a special name for the intercalated month iti dirig appears in the sources. The intercalation was operated haphazardly, according to real or imagined needs, and each Sumerian city inserted months at will; e.g., 11 months in 18 years or two months in the same year. Later, the empires centralized the intercalation, and as late as 541 B.C.E. it was proclaimed by royal fiat. Improvements in astronomical knowledge eventually made possible the regularization of intercalation; and, under the Persian kings (c. 380 B.C.E.), Babylonian calendar calculators succeeded in computing an almost perfect equivalence in a lunisolar cycle of 19 years and 235 months with intercalations in the years 3, 6, 8, 11, 14, 17, and 19 of the cycle. The new year’s day (Nisanu 1) now oscillated around the spring equinox within a period of 27 days.

The Babylonian month names were Nisanu, Ayaru, Simanu, Du'uzu, Abu, Ululu, Tashritu, Arakhsamna, Kislimu, Tebetu, Shabatu, Adaru. The month Adaru II was intercalated six times within the 19-year cycle but never in the year that was 17th of the cycle, when Ululu II was inserted. Thus, the Babylonian calendar until the end preserved a vestige of the original bipartition of the natural year into two seasons, just as the Babylonian months to the end remained truly lunar and began when the New Moon was first visible in the evening. The day began at sunset. Sundials and water clocks served to count hours.

The influence of the Babylonian calendar was seen in many continued customs and usages of its neighbor and vassal states long after the Babylonian Empire had been succeeded by others. In particular, the Jewish calendar in use at relatively late dates employed similar systems of intercalation of months, month names, and other details (see below The Jewish calendar). The Jewish adoption of Babylonian calendar customs dates from the period of the Babylonian Exile in the 6th century B.C.E.

egypt zodiac

The Egyptian calendar

Overview

The earliest Egyptian calendar was based on the moon’s cycles, but the lunar calendar failed to predict a critical event in their lives: the annual flooding of the Nile river. The Egyptians soon noticed that the first day the "Dog Star," which we call Sirius, in Canis Major was visible right before sunrise was special. The Egyptians were probably the first to adopt a mainly solar calendar. This so-called ‘heliacal rising’ always preceded the flood by a few days. Based on this knowledge, they devised a 365-day calendar that seems to have begun in 4236 B.C.E., the earliest recorded year in history.

They eventually had a system of 36 stars to mark out the year and in the end had three different calendars working concurrently for over 2000 years: a stellar calendar for agriculture, a solar year of 365 days (12 months x 30 + 5 extra) and a quasi-lunar calendar for festivals. The later Egyptian calendars developed sophisticated Zodiac systems, as in the stone calendar at right. According to the famed Egyptologist J. H. Breasted, the earliest date known in the Egyptian calendar corresponds to 4236 B.C.E. in terms of the Gregorian calendar.

Details

The ancient Egyptians originally employed a calendar based upon the Moon, and, like many peoples throughout the world, they regulated their lunar calendar by means of the guidance of a sidereal calendar. They used the seasonal appearance of the star Sirius (Sothis); this corresponded closely to the true solar year, being only 12 minutes shorter. Certain difficulties arose, however, because of the inherent incompatibility of lunar and solar years. To solve this problem the Egyptians invented a schematized civil year of 365 days divided into three seasons, each of which consisted of four months of 30 days each. To complete the year, five intercalary days were added at its end, so that the 12 months were equal to 360 days plus five extra days. This civil calendar was derived from the lunar calendar (using months) and the agricultural, or Nile, fluctuations (using seasons); it was, however, no longer directly connected to either and thus was not controlled by them. The civil calendar served government and administration, while the lunar calendar continued to regulate religious affairs and everyday life.

In time, the discrepancy between the civil calendar and the older lunar structure became obvious. Because the lunar calendar was controlled by the rising of Sirius, its months would correspond to the same season each year, while the civil calendar would move through the seasons because the civil year was about one-fourth day shorter than the solar year. Hence, every four years it would fall behind the solar year by one day, and after 1,460 years it would again agree with the lunisolar calendar. Such a period of time is called a Sothic cycle.

Because of the discrepancy between these two calendars, the Egyptians established a second lunar calendar based upon the civil year and not, as the older one had been, upon the sighting of Sirius. It was schematic and artificial, and its purpose was to determine religious celebrations and duties. In order to keep it in general agreement with the civil year, a month was intercalated every time the first day of the lunar year came before the first day of the civil year; later, a 25-year cycle of intercalation was introduced. The original lunar calendar, however, was not abandoned but was retained primarily for agriculture because of its agreement with the seasons. Thus, the ancient Egyptians operated with three calendars, each for a different purpose.

The only unit of time that was larger than a year was the reign of a king. The usual custom of dating by reign was: "year 1, 2, 3 . . . , etc., of King So-and-So," and with each new king the counting reverted back to year One. King lists recorded consecutive rulers and the total years of their respective reigns.

The civil year was divided into three seasons, commonly translated: Inundation, when the Nile overflowed the agricultural land; Going Forth, the time of planting when the Nile returned to its bed; and Deficiency, the time of low water and harvest.

The months of the civil calendar were numbered according to their respective seasons and were not listed by any particular name–e.g. third month of Inundation–but for religious purposes the months had names. How early these names were employed in the later lunar calendar is obscure.

The days in the civil calendar were also indicated by number and listed according to their respective months. Thus a full civil date would be: "Regnal year 1, fourth month of Inundation, day 5, under the majesty of King So-and-So." In the lunar calendar, however, each day had a specific name, and from some of these names it can be seen that the four quarters or chief phases of the Moon were recognized, although the Egyptians did not use these quarters to divide the month into smaller segments, such as weeks. Unlike most people who used a lunar calendar, the Egyptians began their day with sunrise instead of sunset because they began their month, and consequently their day, by the disappearance of the old Moon just before dawn.

As was customary in early civilizations, the hours were unequal, daylight being divided into 12 parts, and the night likewise; the duration of these parts varied with the seasons. Both water clocks and sundials were constructed with notations to indicate the hours for the different months and seasons of the year. The standard hour of constant length was never employed in ancient Egypt.

Sirius: the 'Dog Star’

Early Egyptians depended on the Nile’s annual rising and flooding. Each year as that great river flooded it brought down mountain soil to the Egyptian plain. This enriched the fields and enabled creation of an agricultural system that supported a large civilization.

In the eighth century B.C.E., the Egyptian Pharoh’s primary advisor, the Vizier, was charged with reporting the first appearance of the bright star we call Sirius after it had been missing from the sky for (depending upon the observer’s latitude) approximately two weeks. This first appearance of Sirius in the pre-dawn sky was used to start the so-called Egyptian "lunar" calendar year, which was used for purposes of regulating religious affairs and everyday life.

Shortly after Sirius first reappeared in the east, the Nile would have its annual life-giving flood. Because of the Nile’s flooding at this time, the fixing of the new year could well be said to have been based on a geophysical as well as an astronomical event. Although many other stars may be used to fix the beginning of a sidereal year, the Egyptians made an excellent choice for this purpose. Sirius – Egyptians called it Sothis – not only signaled the approaching Nile flood, but is the brightest "fixed" star in the heavens.

In Egypt at the present time, Sirius rises just before the sun late in July, but usually can’t be seen until early August. This is because as sunrise approaches, stars fade from view and the light of dawn obliterates starlight. At the time Sirius is about to reappear, the constellation Orion is fully visible in the lower eastern sky. With the bright star Betelguese on his shoulder, anyone familiar with constellations would find Orion hard to miss. Sirius can be seen in the next constellation to rise (Canis Major). Because of this close relationship, Sirius was sometimes referred to as the "dog star" by early Greeks who thought of Canis Major as one of Orion’s hunting hounds.

Other calendars used in the ancient Near East

Of the calendars of other peoples of the ancient Near East, very little is known. Thus, though the names of all or of some months are known, their order is not. The months were probably everywhere lunar, but evidence for intercalation is often lacking; for instance, in Assyria.

The Assyrians

Assyria was a kingdom of northern Mesopotamia that became the center of one of the great empires of the ancient Middle East. It was located in what is now northern Iraq and southeastern Turkey. For accounting, the Assyrians also used a kind of week, of five days, as it seems, identified by the name of an eponymous official. Thus, a loan could be made and interest calculated for a number of weeks in advance and independently of the vagaries of the civil year. In the city of Ashur, the years bore the name of the official elected for the year; his eponym was known as the limmu. As late as about 1070 B.C.E., his installation date was not fixed in the calendar. From about 1100 B.C.E., however, Babylonian month names began to supplant Assyrian names, and, when Assyria became a world power, it used the Babylonian lunisolar calendar.

Assyria was a dependency of Babylonia and later of the Mitanni kingdom during most of the 2nd millennium B.C.E. It emerged as an independent state in the 14th century B.C.E., and in the subsequent period it became a major power in Mesopotamia, Armenia, and sometimes in northern Syria. Assyrian power declined after the death of Tukulti-Ninurta I (c. 1208 B.C.E.). It was restored briefly in the 11th century B.C.E. by Tiglath-pileser I, but during the following period both Assyria and its rivals were preoccupied with the incursions of the seminomadic Aramaeans. The Assyrian kings began a new period of expansion in the 9th century B.C.E., and from the mid-8th to the late 7th century B.C.E., a series of strong Assyrian kings–among them Tiglath-pileser III, Sargon II, Sennacherib, and Esarhaddon–united most of the Middle East, from Egypt to the Persian Gulf, under Assyrian rule. The last great Assyrian ruler was Ashurbanipal, but his last years and the period following his death, in 627 B.C.E., are obscure. The state was finally destroyed by a Chaldean-Median coalition in 612-609 B.C.E. Famous for their cruelty and fighting prowess, the Assyrians were also monumental builders, as shown by archaeological sites at Nineveh, Ashur, and Nimrud.

The Hittites

The calendar of the Hittite Empire is known even less well. As in Babylonia, the first Hittite month was that of first fruits, and, on its beginning, the gods determined the fates. Hittites were a member of an ancient Indo-European people who appeared in Anatolia (modern day Turkey) at the beginning of the 2nd millennium B.C.E.; by 1340 B.C.E. they had become one of the dominant powers of the Middle East. Probably originating from the area beyond the Black Sea, the Hittites first occupied central Anatolia, making their capital at Hattusa (modern Bogazköy). Early kings of the Hittite Old Kingdom, such as Hattusilis I (reigned c. 1650-c. 1620 B.C.E.), consolidated and extended Hittite control over much of Anatolia and northern Syria. Hattusilis’ grandson Mursilis I raided down the Euphrates River to Babylon, putting an end (c. 1590 B.C.E.) to the Amorite dynasty there. After the death of Mursilis, a dynastic power struggle ensued, with Telipinus finally gaining control about 1530 B.C.E. In the noted Edict of Telipinus, long upheld by succeeding generations, he attempted to end lawlessness and to regulate the royal succession. The fall of the Hittite empire (c. 1193 B.C.E.) was sudden and may be attributed to large-scale migrations that included the Sea Peoples.

Hittite cuneiform tablets discovered at Bogazköy (in modern Turkey) have yielded important information about their political organization, social structure, economy, and religion. The Hittite king was not only the chief ruler, military leader, and supreme judge but also the earthly deputy of the storm god; upon dying, he himself became a god. Hittite society was essentially feudal and agrarian, the common people being either freemen, "artisans," or slaves. Anatolia was rich in metals, especially silver and iron. In the empire period the Hittites developed iron-working technology, helping to initiate the Iron Age. The religion of the Hittites is only incompletely known, though it can be characterized as a tolerant polytheism that included not only indigenous Anatolian deities but also Syrian and Hurrian divinities.

Iran

At about the time of the conquest of Babylonia in 539 B.C.E., Persian kings made the Babylonian cyclic calendar standard throughout the Persian Empire, from the Indus to the Nile. Aramaic documents from Persian Egypt, for instance, bear Babylonian dates besides the Egyptian. Similarly, the royal years were reckoned in Babylonian style, from Nisanu 1. It is probable, however, that at the court itself the counting of regnal years began with the accession day. The Seleucids and, afterward, the Parthian rulers of Iran maintained the Babylonian calendar. The fiscal administration in northern Iran, from the 1st century B.C.E., at least, used Zoroastrian month and day names in documents in Pahlavi (the Iranian language of Sasanian Persia). The origin and history of the Zoroastrian calendar year of 12 months of 30 days, plus five days (that is, 365 days), remain unknown. It became official under the Sasanian dynasty, from about C.E. 226 until the Arab conquest in 621. The Arabs introduced the Muslim lunar year, but the Persians continued to use the Sasanian solar year, which in 1079 was made equal to the Julian year by the introduction of the leap year.

Read more about the current use of this calculator (the Persian calculator) in Iran.

himba

The rainy season

The Himba people in Ekambu, Namibia, are some of the last peoples in the world living in relative isolation from modernity. "When the thunderstorms start and the leaves grow from the ground, that’s how we know it’s the new year," said Maverihepisa Koruhama, one of the villagers in Ekambu. They measure time by the shifting sun and mark the coming of the new year with the arrival of seasonal rains that transform the parched red soil into a carpet of green. In their Herero language, the word for "day" is the same as the word for "sun," and the word for "year" means "rain." (Above left, children watch as a Himba woman, senior wife of Waitavira Tjambiru, anoints her arm with butter fat mixed with red ochre outside her hut in Etengwa, Namibia.)

Synergy with the earth

James Lynch, an American scientist who has spent the past two decades helping Costa Rican farmers, said he has learned from them the importance of timing. A tree cut down during a new moon, he said, will quickly be ravaged by the insects, while one felled several days before a full moon will stay free of termites for years. Lynch now follows the practice. "But I’ve never seen any scientific study to back it up," he said.

Indigenous knowledge can be faulty. "Traditional people sometimes get things right, and sometimes get them wrong," said Alan Fiske, a psychological anthropologist at the University of California at Los Angeles. "Some things people do are bad for them." The problem, Fiske noted, is that verifying traditional knowledge is not easy. The scientific method can be expensive, and data can be difficult to obtain.

lunar calendar

A dappled, brown horse and a lunar calendar

Lascaux caves, France (about 15,000 years old)

Half the cycle

Half the cycle: 13 dots and an empty square

The Pleiades star

The Pleiades star cluster sits above the bull’s shoulder

Cro-magnon man (Lascaux caves in France)

What could be the oldest lunar calendar ever created was been identified on the walls of the famous, prehistoric caves at Lascaux in France. The interpretation that symbolic paintings, dating back 15,000 years, show the Moon going through its different phases comes from Dr. Michael Rappenglueck, of the University of Munich. The German researcher has previously associated patterns left in the caves with familiar stars and constellations. He now says groups of dots and squares painted among representations of bulls, antelope and horses depict the 29-day cycle of the Earth’s satellite.

Works of art

Visiting the Lascaux caves is an opportunity most people would never get– to protect the historic site from unnecessary wear and tear, all visitors now tour a mock-up of the caves, the so-called Lascaux II. Visiting the caves, once one’s eyes adjust to the half-light, visitors are struck with amazement. Anyone who has seen the paintings on the walls can be left in no doubt that they represent some of the greatest works of art every created.

"The secret of understanding these caves," Dr Rappenglueck says, "is to understand the people who painted these walls. They painted the sky, but not all of it. Just the parts that were specially important to them."

Cro-magnon man

The animals were painted on to the walls of the chamber by Cro-magnon man, one of our close relations, 15,000 years ago. He thrived in a temperate valley in the Dordogne while the rest of Europe was held in the grip of an ice age.

Dr. Rappenglueck gave a tour to David Whitehouse of the BBC. "Here it is," he said, as he headed down a passage. He was pointing to a line of dots painted half way up the wall. "Count them. Count them." Below a stunning painting of a deer was a row of 13 dots, ending in a square. "Why 13?"

"It’s half of the Moon’s monthly cycle," Dr. Rappenglueck said. "One dot for each day the Moon is in the sky. At the new Moon, when it vanishes from the sky, we see an empty square, perhaps symbolically representing the absent Moon. "But there’s more, further along." The Munich researcher gestured to me to move along the passageway. Beneath a dappled, brown horse with a dark mane was another row of dots. This time there were more of them.

"There are 29 of them - one for each day of the Moon’s 29-day cycle when it runs through its phases in the sky. It was a rhythm of nature that was important to these people." Dr. Rappenglueck looked around at the bulls, antelope and horses painted on the walls with such obvious admiration. "They were aware of all the rhythms of nature. Their survival depended on them, they were a part of them."

But there is another puzzle. The series of dots that curve away from the main row. "Why do they do that?"

"I think that indicates the time of the new Moon, when it disappears from the sky for several days," said Dr. Rappenglueck.

There is definitely astronomy on the walls of Lascaux. Earlier this year, Dr Rappenglueck identified a series of constellations painted on the wall of a shaft off the main chamber at Lascaux. The tiny pattern of the Pleiades star cluster can also be seen hanging above the shoulder of a bull near the entrance to the main passageway.

We will probably never understand completely what Cro-magnon man had in mind when he painted the Lascaux caves. The images of the animals seem obvious but what are we to make of the geometrical shapes and patterns scattered in between these creatures?

Calendars in Iceland (before literacy)

Viking origins

Traditionally, the Vikings originating in Scandinavia in the early Middle Ages are associated with violence and brutal force. However, the views of modern scholars paint a less mono-chromatic picture. Many of the activities of the Vikings required and produced knowledge of time-reckoning and of what we would nowadays classify as astronomy. For example, their extensive travelling and trade must have involved some knowledge of astronomy. The necessity of such knowledge is generally recognized in the case of coastal navigation, but also holds for inland travel through previously unknown areas, such as the vast lands of Eastern Europe.

Inland travel and coastal navigation is one thing, but regular trans-oceanic traffic is quite another. Yet such traffic was required to support the Scandinavian settlement of Iceland and Greenland, around the years 900 and 1000 respectively, at a time when the people of Europe knew nothing of the compass or the sextant. Even with good luck the oceanic voyage would take about a week, and without it land might not be sighted for several weeks. The navigational methods used included both terrestrial and celestial observations. There is hardly any doubt that the knowledge written down on vellum in Iceland in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries derives to a high degree from these observations and this experience.

Why did they need a calendar?

In 930, the Icelanders decided to establish the Althingi, a kind of parliament where an important part of the population gathered once a year for purposes of legislation and justice. Those who went there would spend two to five weeks away from home at a precious time of the year. The farms were scattered at long distances and the landscape often barely passable. Therefore the traditional Scandinavian method of summoning meetings by message was not viable – they needed a simple and reliable calendar to help people know when to start from home so as to arrive at the same time as the others. Moreover, since the Icelandic summer is short, it was a matter of primary concern to utilize summer time as well as possible, and date the parliament at the time of summer when the loss of domestic labor was least harmful.

To understand the need for a calendar we may also look at the agriculture itself and its annual cycle. Certainly, the caprices of Icelandic weather and nature are such that the calendar may often be a bad guide for action. In deciding when to let cattle and sheep out on grass or when to start hay-making it is better to observe the actual signs of nature than the calendar. But there are certain kinds of annual operation where the calendar proves superior: for example, in determining when to sow the grain, something which people had tried with little success in the first centuries of settlement in Iceland. Another good example is that of deciding when to let the ram to the ewes. It is important to do this at the right time in the winter so that the lambs have the best possible prospect of growing in the short summer, without too much risk of interludes of bad weather in the spring just after they are born. When the individual farmer makes his decision on this at some point around Christmas time, he has no clear natural signs of a terrestrial nature to go by.

How similar was it to the Julian calendar?

In the brief history of Iceland called Íslendingabók (The Book of the Icelanders, Libellum Islandorum), written by Ari the Learned in the period 1122-33, we have a report on a calendar reform around 955:

This was when the wisest men of the country had counted in two semesters 364 days or 52 weeks-then they observed from the motion of the sun that the summer moved back towards the spring; but there was nobody to tell them that there is one day more in two semesters than you can measure by whole weeks, and that was the reason.

There was a man called Thorsteinn the black, a very wise man. When they came to the Althing he sought the remedy that they should add a week to every seventh summer and try how that would work.

By a correct count there are 365 days in a year if it is not a leap year, but then one more; but by our count there are 364. But when in our count a week is added to every seventh year, seven years together will be equally long on both counts. But if there are 2 leap years between the ones to be augmented, you need to add to the sixth.

How did Thorsteinn the Black determine his intercalation? His farm was favorably located in the country to utilize the so-called mountain circle method, that is, to follow the annual motion of sunrise and sunset near the horizon where he would have suitably distant mountains and other reference points in the landscape to make fairly exact observations possible. At high latitudes the points of sunrise and sunset move so fast that this method could easily be used to determine the length of the year to within a day.

According to this, people started by counting 52 weeks or 364 days in the year. When they realized the insufficiency of this they tried the remedy of intercalating one week every seventh year (sumarauki), thus making the average year 365 days. The method chosen may seem strange to us but it is a natural consequence of the important role of the week in the original calendar.

So far the interpretation of the text seems straightforward. However, the text continues to describe the relation and adaptation of the Icelandic calendar to the Julian one, which must have been gradually introduced in Iceland in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, following formal Christianisation of the country in the year 1000. The text says that if there are two leap years between the years to be increased by a week, then the sixth year (instead of the seventh) should be increased. This is plainly wrong and would yield a worse approximation than the more simple rule of intercalating a week every sixth year. Scholars find this confusing, except by assuming the Latin meaning of the numerals. Thus ‘septimo quoque anno’ actually means ‘every sixth year’ by our count. In this way Ari’s text can be interpreted so as to coincide with practice in his time, as seen from almost contemporary Easter tables. Also, he would escape Occam’s razor, since his formula would otherwise be more complicated than necessary for its accuracy.